At what point are they going to admit that the jabs don’t work — or are they trapped in permanent denial?
Some details have emerged from (confidential) informants about the way Darren Edwards was appointed by Councilors and the non-mandated Ngātiawa Tai Kapiti* iwi is incensed.
Guru invited friends from either Ngāti Raukawa, Ngāti Toa or both to the table while councilors were asking questions of the 4 short-listed applicants. The final choice from two was swayed by these iwi friends in a split vote.
The role of CEO is the most important in the council as this person is responsible for most operational decisions. The mayor’s invitation to his friends was not approved at a properly notified council meeting as happened with iwi (excluding Ngātiawa Tai Kapiti) appointments to council committees last month. The basic principle is that people who can’t be involved in firing someone should not be involved in hiring that person.
Emotional blackmail of certain councilors is a tactic that the present mayor used to get his Gateway (Te Uruhi) proposal passed at the February 2021 council meeting — see the posts at the time. Ngātiawa Tai Kapiti (among other Tangata Whenua) are also opposed to that project.
The Ngātiawa Tai Kapiti iwi have had a long battle for both recognition and registration with KCDC Maori Liaison, Whakameinga Komiti, Government Waitangi Tribunal, Crown Law Office, Te Atiawa ki Whakarongotai Marae, and Te Atiawa Kapiti Charitable Trust.
The Ngātiawa Wai 1018 claimants recently turned down invitations to meet with Whakarongotai Marae Trustees, Te Atiawa ki Whakarongotai/Kāpiti Charitable Trust trustees as they say it is time for these entities to own their public displays of verbal abuse against Ngātiawa Wai 1018 claimants. This behaviour was witnessed by WAI 2200 hearing Judges, Crown Counsel, Researchers, Barristers, Claimants, Crown Forest Rental Trust Staff, and Ministry of Justice staff.
The Minister of Treaty Claims invited Ngātiawa to sit with Te Arawhiti–Crown negotiators in April 2021. Covid put it on hold. This hui is pending presently. Ngātiawa Wai 1018 claimants declined recent invitations from Whakarongotai Marae Trustees and Charitable Trust Chairman. “None of us need to walk into that emotionally abusive environment, ever again. The government cannot force any of us to accept and maintain the inter-generational abuse for future generations. Our mokopuna deserve better” says representative Apihaka Mack.
Meanwhile it has also emerged from another source that Mayor Guru and his deputy Janet Holborow wanted to give former CEO Mr Maxwell two more years, but “pretty much the rest wanted him gone, they had to decide to do it now or let the new members decide after elections.” Maxwell apparently thought he deserved another 2 years and “threw his toys out of the cot” when he was told he wasn’t getting that. He did not appear at work from that point, and he got paid out until next January when his 5 years was up — in effect $300,000 for doing nothing.
- Until recently the iwi went under the name Ngātiawa ki Kapiti, but on advice from their Te Reo consultant this was changed: Tai = coast and Kapiti (without the macron over the a) means a strip of land between mountains and the sea. (With the macron over the a — as KCDC insist on spelling it — Kāpiti means “cabbage”.)
from Consortium News
In an interview with the World Socialist Web Site, the renowned Australian investigative journalist warns that the U.S. is close to getting its hands on the the courageous WikiLeaks publisher.
Last month, British Home Secretary Priti Patel approved Assange’s extradition to the U.S., where he faces 175 years imprisonment under the Espionage Act for publishing true information exposing American war crimes in Iraq and Afghanistan.
As Pilger explains, Patel’s order will be the subject of a further appeal, but the British judiciary that will adjudicate has facilitated Assange’s persecution every step of the way. This underscores the urgency of a political fight to free Assange, based on the powerful struggles of the working class that are emerging all around the world.
Pilger began his media career in the late 1950s. His first documentary, The Quiet Mutiny, exposed aspects of the U.S. war in Vietnam in 1970. Since then, Pilger has produced more than 50 documentaries, many of them feature-length and centering on revealing the crimes of the major imperialist powers.
In a 2012 Rolling Stone interview, Assange was asked: “Who has been your most critical public supporter?” He replied: “John Pilger, the Australian journalist, has been the most impressive.”
Pilger has been unwavering in his defence of the WikiLeaks publisher. In 2018 and 2019, he addressed Socialist Equality Party rallies, demanding that the Australian government use its diplomatic and legal powers to free Assange.
Because of his principled defense of Assange and opposition to war, Pilger is hardly ever referenced in Australia’s official media, despite being one of the country’s most well-known and respected journalists.
In October 2020 Dr Andrew Hill was tasked to report to the World Health Organisation on the dozens of new studies from around the world suggesting that Ivermectin could be a remarkably safe and effective treatment for COVID-19.
But on January 18th 2021, Dr Hill published his findings on a pre-print server. His methods lacked rigour, the review was low quality and the extremely
positive findings on ivermectin were contradicted by the conclusion. In the end, Dr Hill advised that “Ivermectin should be validated in larger appropriately controlled randomized trials before the results are sufficient for review by regulatory authorities.”
The researcher seeking a global recommendation on Ivermectin had instead recommended against it. What were his reasons for doing so? Were his conclusions justified? Or were external forces influencing his about-face?
One year on, this film recalls exactly what happened from the perspective of somebody that experienced it first hand; Dr Tess Lawrie; also featuring contributions from Dr Pierre Kory and Dr Paul Marik who worked closely with Dr Hill during the same time frame.
from NZ Autocar magazine
Waka Kotahi recently submitted a tender to the Government Electronic Tender Service (GETS) regarding research into Maori experiences and expectations of the transport system in New Zealand.
The tender outlines the request for proposals into researching and identifying Maori experiences, expectations and priorities for transport in New Zealand.
It seeks to inform the development of key agency responses and help build capability within agencies like Waka Kotahi.
Research will build on what Waka Kotahi calls ‘phase one’ where it will engage with Maori and work with Te Manatū Waka (Ministry of Transport) and Waka Kotahi to understand a series of questions.
- How Māori perceive the transport system in Aotearoa and why have these perceptions come about?
- How are Māori impacted by the transport system day by day?
- How are Māori responding to government priorities for transport, such as the road to zero strategy and mode shift?
- What are the gaps in data and other evidence that can be used to characterise Māori experiences and impacts on them of the transport system?
- What responses are required to close data and evidence gaps, and how would these responses be prioritised by Māori?
We’re unsure how the research is going to impact private and public transport in New Zealand.
Wouldn’t it be great if instead of wasting money on Wokeist nonsense, the NZTA decided to improve roads severely in need of fixing, and expeditiously completed projects underway? Who’s behind this crap? —Eds